Scandal Breaks in Conspiracy Involving Anti-Cuba Terrorist and US Government Office

Representatives of counterrevolution in Cuba have been receiving money from a known terrorist for subversive activities aimed against the established order, security and stability of the country, asserted Cuban television. This conspiracy involves a newly set up “foundation” based in Miami, and is using officials from the US Interest Section in Havana as middlemen – including its head, Michael Pamrly.

Evidence of such dealings was revealed on the Cuban news/commentary program “The Roundtable” on Monday evening, as e-mail messages, videos, photos, expert fingerprint analysis and other tests carried out by the Cuba national security authorities were presented. The findings uncovers counter-revolutionary leader Martha Beatriz Roque as having received considerable amounts of money from the “Fundación Rescate Jurídico Inc,” led by no less than by the noted anti-Cuba terrorist Santiago Álvarez Fernández-Magriñá.

The seriousness of this “sordid conspiracy” —as “Roundtable” host Randy Alonso described it— can be perceived by the character who supplied the money: Magriñá. This partner in crime of fellow-terrorist Posada Carriles was the owner of a cache of weapons while he was in prison, even at the time when his confidant and lover, Carmen Machado, established contact with Martha Beatriz.

This same man was recorded on the telephone with a mercenary operating under his orders who had “infiltrated” Cuba. Unaware of the tape, Magriñá “recommended” the use of twos cans filled with C-4 plastic explosives to blow up the Tropicana cabaret.

In a video presented on the news program, Colonel Adalberto Rabeiro García, head of the Criminal and Operational Investigation Department of the Ministry of the Interior (MININT), explained the decision of adopting a plan to establish the truthfulness of initial information about the supply of money from counterrevolution leaders via of the terrorist Magriñá.

Rabeiro García notes that this investigation was carried out within the laws granted to the nation’s authorities to perform their duty to protect society, which is reinforced by international law and conventions against terrorism.

The result of the investigations allowed the confirmation of the flow of money and the verification of the paths, modus operandi, sums, and the clandestine sites where the operation was carried out.

Also established was the fact that senior officials of the US Interest Section in Havana participated as emissaries and middlemen by collecting the money that Álvarez gave to family contacts of Martha Beatriz Roque in Miami.

Videos shown on the television program also demonstrated the presence of Martha Beatriz in a cyber cafe at the Commodore Hotel, where she communicated with those individuals in Miami.

Fingerprint experts, cameras, testimonies from people who know her and could identify her, and recordings of when Roque established electronic communication with Miami, constituted some of the irrefutable proof among the many pieces of evidence obtained in the investigation, said Rabeiro García.

As a result of this part of the investigation, the forensic expert was able to demonstrate the authenticity of the electronic communication of Martha Beatriz through passwords and the cards used, Rabeiro concluded. Likewise, the content of the messages could be ascertained and analyzed. What was discovered were aspects related to money transfers, such as the sum of each payment and the contacts of Martha Beatriz abroad. In her electronic address book appears the name Álvarez Fernández-Magriñá.

The solid grounds for the investigation were shown as existing in Cuban criminal law and Ordinance 199 concerning computer security, as well as in the UN Convention against Terrorism, reinforced after the September 11, 2001 attacks. This can be specifically found in that documents Article Two, where it establishes that a crime is committed when someone provides funds to perform acts that causes death or injury of civilians who are not participating in the hostilities of an armed conflict, or when the purpose is to intimidate or force a government to carry out an act or abstain from doing so.

According to that element of international law, each country should adopt the necessary measures, including the adoption of domestic laws, to assure that acts understood in this agreement cannot be excused, explained Cuban television journalist Reynaldo Taladrid.

What was pointed out as being especially weighty was the thick and horrendous file of Magriñá, who was charged by Cuban authority for his role in the illegal assault operation in Villa Clara Province in April 2001. It was then that mercenaries brought modern arms with silencers onto the island to attack Coastguard forces and carry out other attacks, acts of sabotage and subversive actions, recalled Rabeiro García.

Keeping in mind his actions, Magriñá has been red flagged by INTERPOL and an order for his arrest was issued by the Cuban government for his actions taken against the island’s national security.

“All these elements are at the disposition of our people, so that they can know the truth,” the colonel emphasized.

"The Superior"

The graveness of the matter comes to light when it is learned that the money was provided by a known actor in terrorist activities against the island. This accomplice of Luis Posada Carriles, who paid for the illegal entry of that fellow-terrorist into the United States aboard the yacht the Santrina, was being held in jail at the time that representatives of his foundation established contact with Martha Beatriz Roque.

It is suspected that FBI authorities exercised control over the terrorist and his bank accounts, despite his being under arrest for possessing an arsenal of weapons, said Rabeiro.

Manuel Hevia, director of the Center for Historic Security Investigation, traced the chronology of this additional member on the long list of terrorists signed up by the CIA in its army against Cuba.

As others of his generation, Magriñá left for the United States in 1959 and, recruited by the Central Agency of Intelligence, received training in their camps in various countries in the region. His father, Santiago Álvarez, was a henchman for the tyrannical Fulgencio Batista. Likewise, Magriñá’s grandfather, José, directed the operation that resulted in the murder of Cuban Communist Party founder Julio Mella in Mexico in January 1929 under the order of Cuban dictator Geraldo Machado.

Álvarez Fernández-Magriñá participated in secret operations against the Cuban people in the southern cities of Cienfuegos and Trinidad, in actions in Casilda and in the sad pirate attacks in Boca de Samá, which left two combatants dead and several injured, among them two girls, one of whom lost a foot.

Member of the sinister Commando L, he intensified his terrorist activity against Cuba at the end of the 1990s. Although he was not with Posada Carriles in the frustrated attack against Fidel Castro and hundreds of students and workers in the main auditorium at the University of Panama in 2000, he was one of its organizers.

With Posada Carriles imprisoned for that attack, Magriñá directed armed intrusions into Cuba in 2001. One of them was on the north coast of Villa Clara Province had the objective of carrying out acts of sabotages against various institutions.

After the sultry reprieve granted Posada Carriles by former Panamanian president Mireya Moscoso —who freed him and his accomplices Guillermo Novo Sampol, Pedro Remón and Gaspar Jiménez Escobedo— Magriñá sent private airplanes to Panama City in August 2004 to pick them up. In 2005, he used the yacht the Santrina to illegally sneak Luis Posada Carriles into Miami, where Magriñá has become his defender and benefactor.

A key figure in the link between terrorism against Cuba and the American government, Santiago Álvarez Fernández-Magriñá was arrested in November 2005 by American authorities for possessing a large stockpile of weapons. He was sentenced to ten years of prison for obstruction of justice, but the sentence was reduced to only ten months.

In this case, Magriñá—as the head of the so-called Fundación Rescate Jurídico— was dubbed in the coded language of Martha Beatriz Roque and her relatives from Miami as “the Superior.”

The Fundación Rescate Jurídico

In a Google internet search of corporations registered in the state of Florida, there appears the Fundación Rescate Jurídico Inc., pointed out Lázaro Barredo, the director of the Granma newspaper. He called attention to the fact that the entity has been recognized since June 24, 2005, just over one month after the arrest of Posada Carriles and almost two months after Fidel Castro denounced that Santiago Álvarez for sneaking Posada into the United States aboard the yacht the Santrina, though authorities in Washington knew of this but did not admit it.

Although, as stated in records, the Fundación Rescate Jurídico Inc. receives a substantial part of its funding from a government entity and from the general population, Barredo estimated that it was created to manage the funds obtained for all of the legal costs of Posada Carriles, who was under arrest at the time.

Barredo recalled that since the 1970s, the has CIA created entities, such as shipping companies, airlines, and hotel chains, to mask money directed by Washington for acts of subversion in Cuba.

That was how the Democracy Project was born during the Ronald Reagan administration in the 1980s, just as the National Endowment of Democracy (NED) was later established – which was described by Manuel Hevia as a new stage of Operation Mongoose.

Barredo said it was money for subversive activities that feed counterrevolution to justify a chained of aggressive reaction by the US government against Cuba.

The CIA has diverted funds for similar covert operations since the 1980s, through different foundations.

Saturdays, in the Comodoro

In conformity with Article Two of the Criminal Process Law and Law Decree 199 of Computing Security, Cuban authorities requested the access computer code of Martha Beatriz Roque, which allowed access to messages pertaining to her relations with the Fundación Rescate Jurídico since August 2006, explained Taladrid.

Then, a message signed by Mayda Cardín from the so-called Junta Patriótica Cubana (Cuban Patriotic Board) in Miami, gave Roque an account of a decision taken by a group of US lawyers of sending her “help” consisting of $1,500 USD monthly as well as some material goods.

This was the beginning of their e-mail exchange and of Roque having her nephew by marriage, Juan Carlos Fuentes —husband of her niece, María de los Ángeles Falcón—bring her the Foundation’s money.

A later meeting between Falcón, Mayda and another person identified as Carmen Machado (a financial coordinator of the Miami’s Aventura Hospital and Medical Center), representative of the Fundación Rescate Jurídico and Santiago Álvarez-Fernández Magriñá’s confident and lover, materialized the relation. Upon receiving the money, Falcón requested Martha Beatriz (through Machado) to have her aunt by marriage to push for the nomination of the Nobel Peace Prize to the so-called “Ladies in White,” who recently participated in a press conference with George W. Bush from the US Interest Section in Havana.

They began to use a coded language, which shows their awareness of carrying out dangerous, illegal and cunning transactions, in which money was identified as “mango.”

In already direct communication with Carmen Machado, Roque thanked “the kindness” and suggested to request for more saying that “many things are not carried out for lack of resources.”

Carmen asked her to send copies of the messages to Martha Cue, Magriñá’s personal secretary and head of the Fundación Caribe (Caribbean Foundation), and to Magriñá himself, to the address salvarezcorp@aol.com, despite his being in jail.

As part of the code language, each one-hundred-dollar bill is identified as “a letter.”

The breakdown of the money sent was as follows: $1,500 USD to Roque (15 letters); $300 USD to Elsa, from the Ladies in White (three letters); and $300 to another person.

Other proof

There are hundreds, maybe thousands, of e-mails that demonstrate the outrageous relation. Barredo highlighted three elements among them: the participation of the US Interest Section in Havana; the fully conscious relation of Martha Beatriz Roque Cabello with the terrorists; and the money, which is a constant feature.

Roundtable viewers learned of the requests for money by the e-mail sent to Carmen Machado on September 25, where she said that “I regularly use people that go to Miami and come back without any trouble. I know that you’ll realize who they are. I think that shortly I’ll have someone walking around there...”

This constant worry for receiving her pay is repeated a few days later, on November 6, when she wrote to her nephew by marriage “Dear Juanca, Thank God this goes well because the other people are as insincere as ever, and we need support for what we are doing here. I have gone through some dark days because our common friend hasn’t contacted me yet.”

Lázaro explained that the “common friend” is the USIS’ official and spoke of the obvious desperation of the counterrevolutionary leader because of the money.

On these occasions, she used the Lincoln Center —office set up by the USIS for all the work of these mercenary groups— for the transmissions. Sometimes, though, Martha Beatriz Roque sent these e-mails from the Bussiness Center of the Hotel Comodoro, as could be seen in one of the videos presented in the Round Table TV program.

In this informative program, it was also said that that same day in the morning Michael Parmly, head of the US Interest Section in Havana, should have arrived in Miami. He was “the mail,” “the postman,” “the mule” used by these people of the mafia, who had to deliver another stack of money to Martha Beatriz Roque.

Carmen Machado told her that “that member” of this Foundation, who recently acknowledged his guilt —referring to the trial for the arms cache seized from him by the FBI—, “is your eternal fan and our main source of support...” “He is always watching to see what you need.”

Martha Beatriz answered her back saying “send my regards to that person, I have no doubts about who that person is; onward, democracy will soon be in our country.” The mercenary’s approval of the purposes and methods of the terrorist is clear.

Of course, she must report on what she does to continue being financed. Therefore, on February 2007, when the relations and trust were stronger, she sent another e-mail to “Carmita” which reads “We are going to gather 75 independent librarians from all the island...” Then, she explained the “dilemma” of travelling to the provinces, how much it costs, the need for accommodation and food. “The help will be welcomed and we will do what ever it takes for everybody to have something.”

The immediate answer to Martha Beatriz was “I already talked to Mariíta and Juanca and they are very happy and I will meet then this weekend when I give them your ‘help.’ The friend has already given instructions for the other ‘help,’ the usual one, he wanted to know how much money you need for the meeting.”

The group they are talking about was not one made up of librarians, nor was it independent. The activity was paid for by a terrorist who is in jail for having had his arms cache seized, said a Roundtable panelist, who pointed out that this activity was held in a house in Miramar that belongs to a diplomat who is an official of the US Interest Section in Havana.

In addition to the abovementioned video showing Martha Beatriz Roque and another person arriving at the Comodoro Hotel and using the e-mail at its cybercafé, the criminal analysis made by the Cuban Security authenticates her presence there.